Analyses

In 2014, the small-step policy of engagement with the Transnistrian administration has stalled. The consultations in the "5+2" format were discontinued and discussions on the political and security issues remained blocked. The sectorial cooperation between both banks has generally known no development. The joint working groups met without deciding anything substantial and their work agendas were dominated mainly by the conflicting issues. The situation in the security zone of the conflict continued to deteriorate, while the mutual recriminations between Tiraspol and Chisinau on sabotaging the dialogue have become increasingly common.

Moldova supports the ENP as a general policy framework for its members, nevertheless, it is pledging for a clear cut distinction between ENPs South and East dimensions, between the Eastern Partnership and the Mediterranean Union, between the European and non-European neighbours of the EU. Moreover, past five year have shown that even the Eastern Partnership is not a monolithic group of countries, on the contrary, its members have different level of ambitions when it comes to the scope and depth of their domestic reforms and their relationships with the EU. Therefore, Moldova is pledging strongly for a deeper differentiation including between the Eastern Partnership countries. In its view, the countries that have the will and determination to develop political association and economic integration relations with the EU, through implementing far-reaching democratic and economic reforms, should enjoy a clear cut European membership perspective.

Unlike Republic of Moldova, Ukraine never anchored the principle of neutrality in its Constitution, although it announced this intention in the 1990 Declaration of Independence. Ukraines experience in terms of neutrality is only limited to the period of 2010-2014, when Kiev passed a law regarding Ukraines non-adherence to military blocs și so called non-bloc status. After repealing of this law, Ukraine comes back to the idea of adherence to NATO, even though there is hardly any possibility for this idea to become reality in the near future, due to the war in the region. Observing Kievs fluctuations between a country with a neutrality status and the desire to come under the Western security umbrella, the Chisinau Government could draw some conclusions related to the functionality of the neutrality principle enshrined in Article 11 of the Constitution.

On November 30, Moldova held a crucial parliamentary election, the results of which will determine the countrys future for years to come. Major political parties advocated not merely different policies, but diametrically opposite geopolitical options: an association agreement with the European Union or membership in the Russia-led Customs Union.

The big weakness of the Moldovan authorities on the Transnistrian dimension is the lack of a credible country reintegration policy that would be approved and supported by at least the ruling parliamentary majority. In our opinion, any State policy must have a set of essential elements, namely: a vision, a strategy and means of implementation, to be able to achieve the objectives. Thus, further we will analyse the given components, presenting the facts and highlighting their main weaknesses.

2013 has been the year when the first steps in combating discrimination in the Republic of Moldova were undertaken, some difficult steps, especially for the newly elected members of the Council to prevent and liquidate the discrimination and ensure equality (hereinafter, the Anti-Discrimination Council or the CAD), which is the main entity both to combat and sanction discrimination and to promote non-discrimination within the society. It may be said that 2013 was largely devoted to some organizational issues, which enabled the creation and capacity building in the field of non-discrimination. Even if we cannot talk about some spectacular results at the public level, however, it was especially the second half of the year that marked an intense period of storage and organization of capabilities, while the results will be felt in 2014 and beyond.

After a series of unsuccessful attempts to reform the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MAI) in the context of various strategic initiatives and foreign or domestic policies, in 2013, the Republic of Moldova has made a decisive step towards the creation of a new police system, adjusted to the European requirements, when the functions of the MAI were separated from those of the police. Thus, the MAI is no longer a Ministry of the Police. It develops, evaluates and coordinates the implementation of the police policies. Policing, which is to maintain the public order, to prevent and combat criminal activity lies solely with the police. This separation of the police from the political sphere was made by a new Law on the Policing and Police Officer Status that was passed in 2012 and entered into force in 2013. Only after more than 20 years of independence and the creation of a state subject to the rule of law, the police gets rid of the status of "the armed body" and the substantive and formal elements that are deeply rooted in the legacy left by the Soviet militia.

Despite the stated interest to undertake a multidimensional reform of the Prosecutor's Office, few of the defined priority activities were carried out, while the initiated ones are at an early stage. Both the foreign monitoring and the domestic observers found deficiencies in respect of the promotion of initiatives aimed at reforming the Prosecutor's Office. Thus, the reform of the Prosecutor's Office has at present arrears as regards most of the chapters. However, certain actions, related to the overall reform effort, were implemented during the reporting period.

After 22 years of independence, Republic of Moldova (R. Moldova) finally made its first real step towards a comprehensive and foreseeable foreign and domestic policy. The European agenda became one of the elements that guided the domestic reforms and mobilized the activities inside and outside the country. Without neglecting the still existing shortcomings, authorities as well as the civil society concentrated on putting into practice the EU și R. Moldova bilateral documents as to make the European course of the R. Moldova an irreversible one.

On May 3, 2013 after a long, hard and untreatable disease, hit by a blind bullet at a boar hunting, died the wunderkind of the Eastern Partnership, the spoiled schoolgirl of Europe și the Success Story of Moldova. In the last moments of her life, she was accompanied by her father Vladimir Filat, President of the Liberal Democratic Party and her step uncle Vladimir Voronin, President of the Communist Party.

For two decades, the answer escapes us as a Fata Morgana in the desert of Sahara. For two decades, the Republic of Moldova struggles between to be and not to be. For two decades, Moldova swings confused between East and West. For two decades, we choose between democracy and oligarchy, wealth and poverty, between the modern state and the bankrupt one, forgotten at the edge of European civilization.

Transnistrias reintegration with a special status within the Republic of Moldova is one of the fundamental priorities of the Moldovan constitutional authorities . To achieve this goal, the Government of the Republic of Moldova is determined to plead for the full withdrawal of the Russian military forces from the territory of the country, replacing peacekeeping forces with an international civilian mission and the settlement of the conflict in the 5 + 2 format, respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country. In turn, the secessionist Transnistrian administration rejects from the very beginning any discussions or negotiations with respect to the reintegration of the Transnistrian region with a special status within the Republic of Moldova.

Transnistria, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Nagorno-Karabakh are so-called frozen conflicts” of the Eastern Partnership, a grouping which includes Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine. These conflicts represent a serious challenge to the security, stability, and prosperity of the Eastern Partnership countries. The last 20 years have proven that their resolution cannot be achieved by using military force. On the contrary, their future settlement needs a complex approach that would involve not only political negotiation, but also civil society dialogues, confidence and partnership building and reconciliation. That approach has become the official policy of Moldovan authorities with regard to the Transnistrian conflict. Yet, it has gained modest ground in Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Nagorno-Karabakh, where the main political actors are in a deadlock.

When asked about the prospects of settling the Transnistrian issue, Prime Minister Filat states each time that he is ready to fly to the moon if this is what it takes to achieve Moldovas reintegration. Does Mr. Filat want to repeat the adventures of Baron Munchhausen? Certainly not, the Prime Minister is an experienced, pragmatic and rational politician and not at all an adventurer. Speaking metaphorically, he wants to assure us that in order to solve this conflict he is decided to do everything in his power.

This analysis has been written in the framework of the APE project European Integration and Foreign Policy Debates” that is implemented in partnership with the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, Moldova.

The European Union uses positive conditionality—rewarding countries for adopting specific reforms—as a tool to promote open society values. The case of Moldova shows how clearly defined benchmarks and tangible reward enables the EU to push governments to adopt valuable reforms.

If the Republic of Moldova would join the Customs Union Russia-Belarus-Kazakhstan, its apologists assure us that well have a good life, well benefit from cheap gas and our wine will flow freely to the Russian market and Transnistria issue will be finally resolved. These promises/arguments are compelling for many of those 57% of Moldovans who, according to the latest Public Opinion Barometer, are ready to vote for the integration of our country into the Customs Union. It sounds like a sweet mermaid song, in particular, for that part of our society that still is nostalgic for "proletarian welfare" of the defunct USSR.

Notably, the 2012 Index is based on a more elaborate set of questions than the 2011 Index was. The 2011 Index was based on nearly 400 questions, while this years Index is based on 695 questions. In contrast to the previous Index, the structure of each of the three dimensions is different. For instance, we introduced Sectoral Cooperation” section in Linkage and Sectoral Approximation” section in Approximation to give less weight to each individual sector.

Note: This analysis has been developed within the project of the Foreign Policy Association "Exploiting regional expertise and experience for developing predictable and viable relations with Russia ". The project was implemented in partnership with the Black Sea Trust for Regional Cooperation, German Marshall Fund. One of the major goals of the project was to identify the premises, obstacles and options for building a realistic, credible and beneficial Moldovan-Russian partnership for both sides.